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The Press Cannot Be The Watchdog Of Society Without Vibrant Investigative Journalism
An investigative report is one that reveals new findings, based on the work and research of a reporter. He does some preliminary research before launching an investigation or even pitching it to his editor. adsbygoogle || []).push({}); js">
He must fact-check everything from documents to information obtained through sources. He avoids undercover investigations and ambush interviews unless when necessary. He always allows the subject of his investigation a fair chance to respond. He must not be desperate to write his story in the face of evidence to the contrary. If he finds that his hypothesis is wrong, be prepares to shift gears and change his story. He must keep in touch with his sources on a regular basis and follow-up on stories.
Investigative journalism is capital intensive and can only be perfectly practice in a society with vibrant economy that is private driven. The much-taunted constitutional role of the press as the Forth Estate of the Realms and Press Freedom, tantamount to theory lacking pragmatic praxis without investigative journalism. The press in Nigeria and on the African continent in general still has a long way to go to wear the toga provided it by the Grund Norm that is the constitution. As long as government remains the highest spender through contract awards and business patronage, investigative journalism cannot find strong roots in Nigeria and Africa.
The absence of vibrant and entrenched culture of investigative journalism in the media space in this part of the world is responsible for the impunities by the State and its actors. The executive by its control of the state and its coercive apparatuses subjugates the other two arms to compromises leading to weak social institutions. The State under the control of any status group through a political party that forms a government controls the destinies of the entire citizens. This power to control is a reflection of the groups target goals as economic rational beings in constant interaction to further their interest within the larger society.
In view of the overarching status groups and ethno religious prism through which Nigerian successive governments sees governance, the urgent need for investigative journalism practice becomes very necessary in the media agenda setting. There have been too many conspiracies by different sections of the ruling elites in the process of political power contestations culminating in the breakdown of law and order. Large-scale embezzlement of public funds through unexecuted contracts leading to acute deficit in social infrastructures is recurrent decimal.
Mismanagement of national resources by state actors and their cronies is a known fact to the common person on the street but accepted as a given in Nigeria. High level of crime waves arising from the inability of the state to stimulate the productive sector of the economy has created insecurity beyond containment. Outright diversion and conversion of public funds into private hands and the use of it to secure justice through litigations is a status symbol in Nigeria. The growing discontent by sections of the society excluded through lack of opportunities and enabling social economic environment is manifest in; communal clashes, criminalities, ethnic cum herders farmers violent conflicts, militancy, religious extremism and the call for insurrection and insurgencies.
There are too many of these causal factors of the social anomie situation in Nigeria today that pragmatic investigative journalism can dig deeper to uncover. The fact about such social issues can be researched, investigated by investigative journalists to augment and accentuate the ineffective security agencies shackled by bureaucratic redtapeism. The state is overburden with thick hierarchical responsibilities and often fails to adopt risk management strategies in dealing with social conflicts.
Just like investigative journalists, other professionals in social sciences and management should be allowed to provide their expertise as consultants to various government agencies including the National Assemblies. Government decisions in its ramifications should be based on proven professional inputs and advises. It is often the unintended consequences of events that are harder to deal with especially; violent conflicts, militancy, insurgency, terrorism, crime and social upheaval leading to a revolution.
The state of nation is a culmination of the absence of responsible governance by successive governments, military and civilian democratic government inclusive. The military era shut a very large sections of the citizens out of decision making inputs. That amounts to total exclusion and the option of pent-up grievances constantly seeking outlets. The return to democracy threw up political elites that do not have respect for political party supremacy. The political parties as an institution lack internal democracy, therefore the moral rights to rein in erring undisciplined members. The party that invariably ends up forming a government lacks the legitimacy due to colossal flaws in the electoral processes. Hence, the perambulations since Nigeria’s independence and she is still father from where she started. It is in this miasma of disillusionment that nothing is done as intended or planned, especially government agencies and the social institutions undermined by state actors.
Against the backdrop of this scenario, an anti corruption agency set up to execute its mandates treats state actors with preference until a member falls out of favour and is served with a bitter dose of the law. Since such agencies reserve the power by the Act of Parliament to carry out such mandates, its monopoly is without competition from independent bodies. This overarching power provides the government who appoints the heads of such agencies the latitudes to manipulates and interfere. This is where the Press role as the Watch Dog of the society becomes imperative to dig deep beyond the façade of officialdom.
Until the press galvanizes itself to reclaim the Media industry and begin to train practitioners in the act of investigative journalism, the society will remain at the mercy of different shades of politicians. The political elites freed from either real division above or significant accountability below can afford to enrich themselves without distraction or retribution. If there was an attempt, it had to do with clash of the bourgeoisie divergent group interests. Exposure ceases to matter very much as impunity becomes the rule, like Bankers, leading Politicians do not go to jail in Nigeria as they deploy looted funds to fight back tenaciously. Corruption is not just but a function of the decline in the bourgeois political order but a symptom of the economic regime propped by Capital to sustain the State in power.
The political elites or actors do not see any reason for a paradigm shift in governance, planning, policy formulation and implementation. They do not care about liberation and emancipation of their fellow citizens trapped in the vicious cycle of hardship, poverty that underdevelopment has over time wrecked on the continent. They blindly follow in the footsteps of their colonial predecessors as comprador bourgeois who lack the spirit of inventiveness, entrepreneurship and discovery. They gloriously celebrate oppression, exploitation and abuse of power to the detriment of egalitarianism and social justice for all.
Yet the State and its failing emasculates and weaken social institutions which makes it easy and convenient for politicians, military top brass and other state actors in connivance with capitalist agents to plunder the wealth of the nation with impunity.
One characteristic of capitalist society is that the ruling class is divided among itself. They have common interests like keeping wages down and having the unrestricted right to manage. Different capitalists have divergent interest as debates and disputes between different sections of capital are central and irremovable aspect of capitalist society. The media owners and elected Legislators act along these conflicting differences to pursue their respective sectional interests. They resort to diversionary antics and odium to divert the masses attention from the true state of the nation.
It is against this glaring background that we can situate and deconstruct the fight against corruption by successive governments in Nigeria. The anti corruption agency EFCC should have been supporting journalists by providing training and funding for financial crimes investigations. Such partnership would have given more credibility and integrity in its mandates fighting corruption. As it were, many observers and critics are of the opinions that the anti graft agency is a tool in the hands of any incumbent government to emasculate its perceived enemies (oppositions).
They believed strongly that the grand posture by successive governments in the fight against corruption is a selective punishment that requires a paradigm shift now. It has always been a case of one section of the bourgeois using the coercive instrumentalities of the state to advance its group interests to the disadvantage of those outside the corridors of power. Hence, they advocate for a change in the philosophy and modus operandi of this so-called fight without end. They proffer a middle way by raising the bar of transparency in all social institutions of government.
They
conclude by speaking to power on behalf of the teeming army of The Voiceless,
powerless and underprivileged Nigerian citizens across the socially constructed
divides used by the State and it actors to undermine their cohesion. They are reminding
the ruling elites that very soon, the veil of ethno religious sentiments will
be removed by the current of a People’s Revolution to liberate and emancipate
the people.
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He is also the National Convenor Generation for Change Africa Initiative GFCAI. He can be reached via: onwaters2011@gmail.com
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Tribute to My ‘Mother’ and a Global Trailblazer: Celebrating Ms. Arunma Oteh @ 60
By Alhaji Ibrahim Mohammed Ajia,
As we celebrate the 60th birthday anniversary of my dearest ‘mum’ Ms. Arunma Oteh, I am overwhelmed with a sense of gratitude and admiration for a woman whose life has been a beacon of Hope, Excellence, Resilience and Integrity .
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Ms. Arunma Oteh’s life is a testament to what can be achieved through hard work, vision, and resilience.
Born in Kano Nigeria, her academic journey began with a first-class honours degree in Computer Science from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. She then scaled the heights of education, earning an MBA from the prestigious Harvard Business School. These were the stepping stones to a career that would leave indelible marks on Nigeria, Africa, and the world.
Her illustrious career spans decades of service at institutions like the African Development Bank (AfDB), the World Bank, and FSD Africa. At AfDB, she rose through the ranks, assuming pivotal roles, including that of Treasurer and Vice President for Corporate Management. Her expertise and leadership turned challenges into opportunities, paving the way for sustainable financial growth across the continent.
In 2009, Ms. Oteh was entrusted with the monumental task of leading the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) as its Director-General. It was a turbulent time for Nigeria’s capital market, but she embraced the challenge with unmatched determination. Her reforms eradicated entrenched abuses, restored investor confidence, and laid a solid foundation for sustainable growth.
Her leadership was not without resistance, as she confronted powerful interests that sought to undermine progress. Yet, with resolute commitment, focus, integrity, and the support of reform-minded leaders, she navigated these challenges, leaving behind a reformed and revitalized capital market.
Ms. Oteh’s appointment as Vice President and Treasurer of the World Bank in 2015 underscored her global stature. Managing a $200 billion debt portfolio and advising Sovereign Wealth Funds, Central Banks, and Pension Funds, she exemplified financial expertise at the highest level. Beyond her technical brilliance, she championed inclusive economic policies that benefited emerging markets and underserved populations.
Her legacy at the World Bank extends beyond numbers; it is a story of transformational leadership and unwavering commitment to empowering others.
While her professional accolades are monumental, what sets Ms. Oteh apart is her personal touch. To me and many others, she has been a mother—providing guidance, encouragement, and unwavering support. Her mentorship has been a compass in my life, teaching me the values of integrity, hard work, and service.
Her ability to nurture talent and inspire excellence is unparalleled. Through her mentorship, she has raised a generation of leaders who are now making meaningful contributions in Nigeria, Africa, and beyond.
Ms. Oteh’s story resonates with people from all walks of life. She embodies the principle that our background does not define our future, but our choices do. Her life is a beacon of hope for those striving to overcome challenges and achieve greatness.
As an Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON), a recipient of the “Distinction In Public Service” award, and one of Forbes’ “Africa’s 50 Most Powerful Women,” Ms. Oteh is celebrated not only for her achievements but also for the values she represents—integrity, resilience, and Excellence in service . Now a leading best seller on Amazon for her new book ‘All hand on deck’
On this special occasion of her 60th birthday, I celebrate Ms. Arunma Oteh for her unquantifiable contributions to Nigeria, Africa, and the global world. I honour her for the lives she has touched, the systems she has transformed, and the legacy she continues to build.
Ms. Oteh, your life is an inspiration, your achievements are a testament to excellence, and your mentorship is a gift to us all. As you celebrate this milestone, I pray for continued blessings, good health, and strength to keep shining your light on the world.
With deepest gratitude and love
Ajia, is the President/CEO, Funab Group of Companies Ltd, a Security expert and a Politician
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Odinkalu’s Call for GTBank Boycott: A Fight for Press Freedom and Accountability in Nigeria
By Abdulrahman Aliagan, Abuja
By suppressing press freedom and allegedly using state apparatus to detain journalists, Guaranty Trust Holding Company (GTCO), led by its Managing Director and CEO, Segun Agbaje, finds itself at the center of a growing controversy.
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Odinkalu’s condemnation stems from the three-month detention of bloggers Precious Eze, Olawale Olurotimi, Rowland Olonishuwa and Seun Odunlami reportedly orchestrated by GTCO following unfavorable reports about the company. The case highlights a dangerous trend in Nigeria: the gagging of journalists and the erosion of press freedom, fundamental pillars of any democratic society.
GTCO is embroiled in allegations of unethical financial practices, including declaring questionable profits of over N1 trillion, evading tax payments, and managing unauthorized accounts. Instead of addressing these accusations, GTCO allegedly retaliated by targeting journalists who dared to report on the company’s activities. Bloggers like Precious Eze, Olawale Rotimi, Rowland Olonishuwa, and Seun Odunlami were detained on charges of cyberstalking—a broad and often abused provision under Nigeria’s Cybercrime Act.
According to Odinkalu, the bloggers’ detention is a calculated move to create a chilling effect on the media and deter critical reporting on corporate malpractice. “GTBank has procured the police to detain these bloggers since September 2024 on flimsy charges of cyberbullying and conspiracy,” he tweeted. “This is a blatant abuse of power and an attack on press freedom.”
Odinkalu criticized GTCO’s deployment of a high-powered legal team, including three Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs), to pursue its case against the bloggers. “On October 23, GTBank showcased a team of 10 lawyers whom it has retained to oppress these poor journalists,” he noted, describing the legal strategy as disproportionate and oppressive.
He further revealed that the police investigation into the case lacked substantive evidence, with the investigating team recommending the bloggers be used as “scapegoats.” Such actions underscore the imbalance of power between wealthy corporations and individual journalists or bloggers, who often lack the resources to defend themselves.
Odinkalu’s call for a boycott of GTBank resonates beyond the immediate case of detained bloggers. It highlights broader issues of accountability, transparency, and press freedom in Nigeria. GTCO’s alleged financial misconduct—including accusations of tax evasion and questionable account practices—remains unaddressed by regulatory authorities like the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
“This lack of accountability emboldens corporations like GTCO to suppress dissent and intimidate whistleblowers,” Odinkalu remarked. “If GTBank fails to stop this assault on press freedom, citizens should stop banking with it.”
The detention of journalists reflects a troubling trend in Nigeria, where press freedom is increasingly under attack. Journalists face harassment, intimidation, and imprisonment for exposing wrongdoing, creating a hostile environment for investigative reporting.
By targeting journalists, GTCO is not only silencing dissent but also undermining democracy. A free press is essential for holding corporations and governments accountable. Without it, corruption and abuse of power flourish unchecked.
Odinkalu’s call to action has sparked conversations about the role of civil society in defending press freedom. Advocacy groups like the Global Integrity Crusade Network (GICN) have already initiated legal proceedings to compel regulatory bodies to investigate GTCO’s alleged misconduct. However, more collective action is needed to protect journalists and ensure accountability.
The GTCO case exposes critical gaps in Nigeria’s regulatory and legal frameworks. The misuse of cybercrime laws to target journalists underscores the need for legislative reforms that protect press freedom and prevent corporations from exploiting vague legal provisions.
Odinkalu’s call for a boycott is a powerful reminder that citizens have a role to play in demanding accountability. By withdrawing their patronage from institutions that undermine democracy, Nigerians can send a clear message: the suppression of press freedom will not be tolerated.
The ongoing detention of journalists by GTCO is a litmus test for Nigeria’s commitment to democracy and justice. It raises urgent questions about the balance of power between corporations and the press and highlights the need for systemic reforms to safeguard press freedom.
As Odinkalu noted, “GTBank forgets that we are also customers.” The boycott call is not just about GTCO; it is a clarion call for all Nigerians to stand against corporate impunity and defend the principles of transparency, accountability, and freedom of expression that underpin a democratic society.
Aliagan is the Managing Editor of Time Nigeria Magazine, President of the Nigerian Guild of Investigative Journalists (NGIJ) and Public Analyst based in Abuja
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In the matter of GTBank’s persecution of poor bloggers
By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu
By the time Muhammadu Buhari ran for a second presidential term in 2019, it seemed clear that the judicial process in many parts of the country had been actively co-opted in the intimidation of civic opponents of the government, both real and imagined.
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Steven was a compelling activist and amplifier of the crisis of human security in Southern Kaduna under former governor, Nasir el-Rufai. For this, el-Rufai arranged the abduction of Steven from his residence in Rivers State on 8 May 2019. From there they bundled him into interminable detention in Kaduna on the imagined crime of criminally defaming Cafra Caino, an acolyte of the governor who was also Chair of the Kajuru Local Government Council.
For this invented crime, el-Rufai had Steven charged before a Magistrate in Kaduna who refused him bail even when the crime was clearly a misdemeanor. Steven renewed his application for bail before the Federal High Court in Kaduna where the presiding judge, Peter Mallong, incredulously ruled that his suit was “an abuse of court process” because the Magistrate had previously refused bail. Turning judicial precedent on its head, Peter Mallong held that the decision of the Magistrate was binding on the Federal High Court.
Gloria Ballason, who argued Steven’s case, was also my lawyer when el-Rufai sought to also abduct me in circumstances that would have been not dis-similar to what he did to Steven. On the eve of the presidential election in 2019, el-Rufai went public with claims of a massacre of scores of Fulanis in Kajuru, a community against whom he appeared to have an implacable beef. The following morning, I publicly rebutted his claims. The security services were pointedly unable to support his claim.
After the 2019 elections, el-Rufai instructed my prosecution before the Magistrates Court in Kaduna on fanciful charges of incitement and injurious falsehood. The case did not even have a charge number. The magistrate called up the case on two successive occasions and, when I did not show up, decided the time was ripe to issue a warrant for my abduction. Contrary to my entitlements under the Nigerian constitution, even bothered to bring the charges to my attention. It seemed as if the entire objective from the beginning was to set me up for abduction.
Informed off-record about the case by sympathetic law enforcement agents subsequently, Gloria Ballason first issued filings objecting to how the court had chosen to proceed. Thereafter, she instituted proceedings before Peter Mallong’s Federal High Court in Kaduna against el-Rufai and the police arising out of these facts alleging breach of my constitutional rights.
One year after the case was instituted, in October 2020, Peter Mallong issued his decision. He claimed that the affidavit in support of my court processes sworn to by a litigation clerk in the law firm of my lawyers, was incompetent because the deponent was someone other than me. It was as if he had never heard of the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules which allowed for what the litigation clerk did. As a result, Peter Mallong said, my case was incompetent and his court lacked jurisdiction over it. After holding that he lacked jurisdiction, however, Peter Mallong went on to “dismiss” my case.
The judgment was manifestly crooked on the face of the record. A judge can only dismiss a case that they have had the opportunity to consider but a judge cannot consider a case over which s/he lacks jurisdiction. So, a judge who rules that he or she lacks jurisdiction cannot thereafter decide to dismiss the same case. That is exactly what Peter Mallong did. Having accomplished such crookedness, he then went on to award punitive costs against me.
It was this kind of casuistic and crooked jurisprudence that emboldened el-Rufai and his ilk to routinise the persecution of Nigerian citizens by abduction under cover of law. I was lucky. Steven Kefas was not. Gloria Ballason’s tenacity and an international campaign eventually enabled to Steven to make bail after 162 days in pre-trial detention in Kaduna prison.
According to Steven, while he suffered prolonged pre-trial detention for an imaginary crime framed against him for being a government critic, he witnessed kidnappers caught in the act being released without charges. Steven’s explanation is that: “What the oppressive elites do in Nigeria is that they will hire rogue lawyers to help them draft all manner of petitions to get critics and ‘enemies of the government’ abducted and locked up….”
This appears to be the perfect description for what is happening in an ongoing case involving the prosecution of Precious Eze, Olawale Olurotimi, Rowland Olonishuwa and Seun Odunlami before the Federal High Court in Lagos. The accused are all bloggers who run different platforms as citizen journalists or aggregators.
On 19 September, 2024, Country Hill, a law firm acting on behalf of Guarantee Trust Holding Company (GTCO) and its CEO, Segun Agbaje, wrote a petition in which they complained against the accused for what they called “acts of cyberbullying, criminal extortions (sic) and conducts (sic) likely to cause a breach of public peace” arising reportedly from material published on their blogs about Guarantee Trust Bank (GTBank). Importantly, the complaint omitted any mention of the sums that any of the suspects allegedly extorted or sought to. Subsequent investigation by the police showed clearly that upon the material being brought to their attention by intermediaries, the suspects had voluntarily pulled down the publications complained of.
Acting on this petition, nevertheless, the police promptly arrested and detained Precious Eze and Olawale Olurotimi, both of whom have been held in pre-trial custody since then. By the date you read this, each of them would have been in pre-trial custody for over 91 days. That is more than double the maximum duration of 42 days of pre-trial custody allowed by the Administration of Criminal Justice Act.
It took the police just four days to conclude investigation. Michael Abu, the Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP) who led the investigation into GTBank’s petition, wrote in his report of 23 September 2024 with reference to Precious Eze and Olawale Olurotimi that “these types of people be used as scapegoat” and recommended that they be “charged to court for the offence (sic) of conspiracy, cyberbullying, attempt to extort money through fraudulent means and conduct likely to cause the breach of peace.”
On 14 October, the police re-arraigned them. Ten days later, the amended charges filed against them included six counts of cyberbullying and two each of conspiracy and extortion. To prosecute them, GTBank secured the “fiat” of the Inspector General of Police to instruct a high-powered team of ten lawyers, including three Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs). This is a classic example of “oppressive elites” capturing the criminal process for destructive purposes against poor citizens.
Until now, the people who orchestrate these kinds of travesties and their judicial and legal co-travelers have enjoyed earthly impunity. Judges like Peter Mallong made this possible. The one lesson, however, of the Dele Farotimi case is that citizens now have the wherewithal to make these kinds of perversion of the legal and criminal process costly for those who orchestrate them.
In this case of Precious Eze and Olawale Olurotimi, that should be even moreso, given that the travesty is procured at the instance of a commercial and corporate actor. We are both citizens and customers. In this dual capacity we have the muscle to resist the determined conspiracy of politicians and corporates who seek to muzzle and destroy an informed and responsible civics. It is not too late for GTBank to retrace its steps.
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu
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